Jeans are the most iconic garment in American culture, and they are inexorably linked to the history of the United States. Their origins in the nineteenth century have imbued jeans with meaning and have forever linked them to the mythic American West. The cowboy archetype has been a powerful marketing tool for denim manufacturers since the start of the twentieth century and remains influential to this day (Figure 1). However, the significance of jeans has moved beyond this early association to become an iconic symbol of American culture worn across multiple demographics and social contexts. Despite, or perhaps because of, their initial and enduring connection to American culture, jeans are worn as everyday fashion worldwide and are what Eicher and Everson call "transglobal world dress" (52). However, jeans remain a complicated signifier of authenticity and the rugged individualism that has come to define American culture. They have served as symbols of the culture at large and of subjects of that culture, and of rebellious, outspoken counterculture groups; they have been fashionable, unfashionable, and hallmarks of anti-fashion. They have embodied the longings, beliefs, and realities of the generations that have worn them. We must watch and try to understand them as they continue to evolve (Gordon 89). This paper responds to Gordon's directive to “watch and understand” the evolution of jeans. It revisits and builds upon Gordon's original framework to include the evolution of jeans in the 21st century and reassess their original mythos. In this paper, we revisit and augment the history of jeans initially outlined in Gordon's work and retain her original phases of jeans transformation. These include 1) “The Blue Jean: The Wild West and the Farmer”; 2) “The Blue Jean as Anti-Fashion: The First Association”; 3) “The Blue Jean as War Hero: Widening the Base of Support”; 4) “The Blue Jean Anti-Fashion: Tomboys, Bad Boys, and Bohemians”; 5) “Anti-Fashion at its Peak: The ‘Jeaning' of America and the Personalized Jean”; 6) “The Blue Jean as Fashion: Absorbing the Counterculture with Designer Label”; and finally 7) “The Blue Jean as Fashion: Pre-Packaged Experience with the subheadings of The Aged Jean, Distressed Denim, and Selling the Image” (Gordon 77–93). We add 8) “The Ubiquitous Blue Jean: Reinvention and Reinterpretation” to Gordon's original framework to establish the history and significance of jeans in the twenty-first century. We also propose an introduction, “Blue Jeans, Jean, Denim, and Dungarees,” to add historical context to jeans and the various textiles associated with them. Blue jeans, the iconic garment, are not explicitly identified in Gordon's essay. The omission is likely because jeans have become what Miller and Woodward have described as 'blindingly obvious, ' and their omnipresence has made them invisible (2). The explosion of scholarship on jeans and denim in recent years has identified a need for delineation when sorting out the origins of jeans and the related terminology of denim, jean, dungaree, and dungarees. The term jeans is widely used to describe denim pants with five pockets: two front side pockets, a watch pocket, and two patch back pockets. Metal rivets are also typically included to reinforce the pocket openings where the fabric would experience stress. These distinctive details are associated with the original 1873 patent from Levi Strauss and Jacob Davis but are now utilized by many manufacturers. Within this basic format, manufacturers brand their jeans with recognizable markings such as distinctive pocket embroidery, leather patches, and visible identifying labels. This brand identification has created new names for jeans, such as Levi's® or 501s (Levi Strauss and Co.), Riders (Lee), or, infamously, Calvins (Calvin Klein) after a series of television advertisements featuring an underage model by the name of Brooke Shields claiming that “nothing” came between her and her Calvins (Welters and Cunningham 1–8). The form of blue jeans can be traced back to the nineteenth century as waist overalls, a style of trousers that ended at the waist and was intended to be worn as a protective outer garment. The “invention” of jeans as we know them today is primarily credited to Levi Strauss, a successful San Francisco dry-goods merchant, and his partner Jacob Davis, a tailor from Reno, Nevada. Davis had been producing sturdy waist overalls reinforced with copper rivets using denim supplied by Levi Strauss. Davis and Strauss joined forces, and the pair officially applied for a U.S. (United States) Patent to make copper-riveted waist overalls in 1873 (Downey 150–151). Although they were known as waist overalls, we now recognize this garment as a pair of jeans. However, in the context of the nineteenth century “jean pants’ were simply trousers made from a textile called jean. The word ‘jean’ might have come through Genes, the French word for Genoa Italy, where sailors wore pants of fustian, a study twill made from a blend of wool and linen. By the sixteenth century, the fabric was known as ‘Jene Fustyan’ and associated with working-class clothing throughout Europe (Sauro 273). In the nineteenth century, jean was widely worn in the United States and was often mentioned in the advertisements for the return of fugitive slaves (Hunt-Hurst 731–732). However, the pants we identify as blue jeans are traditionally made of denim, a cotton twill woven with a blue face, and a gray or unbleached fill. The blue face of denim was traditionally dyed with indigo is a natural dye that resisted dirt. Synthetic indigo was invented in 1880 but not widely used for denim production until the 1960s. Denim is often described as an Anglicized name for serge de Nîmes, a French fabric dating back to the seventeenth century. However, some scholars believe English manufacturers used the name to make the textile more alluring to consumers who assumed it was imported from France (Sauro 273; McClendon 15). In the nineteenth century, jean was commonly used for tailored garments, while denim was used to produce sturdy garments like bib overalls for manual laborers (Downey 152). Dungaree is yet another textile associated with blue jeans and is a term relating both to a textile and a garment. Dungaree is a coarse cotton plain weave cloth originating in India that was often dyed blue with indigo. In the United States, the term dungarees was often used interchangeably with “jeans” during the twentieth century. Beverly Gordon begins her discussion of jeans with gold rush miners and the cowboys of the American West (77–78). The waist overalls produced by Levi Strauss and Co. were initially designed for miners in the American West. This origin story has played an essential role in the mythos of jeans, especially in the marketing efforts of Levi Strauss & Co. However, by the end of the nineteenth century, these sturdy denim garments were also widely worn by farmers, factory workers, and other laborers. During the great depression, denim work clothes were worn throughout the United States and increasingly associated with the impoverished dustbowl “okies,” migrant workers, and sharecroppers documented by the Farm Security Association (FSA). These poignant images reinforced the association of denim with poverty and portrayed it as a uniquely American textile that unified their photographic subjects. In “The Making of an American Icon: The Transformation of Blue Jeans during the Great Depression,” Sandra Curtis Comstock notes, “Depression-era events and experiences repeatedly drew upon blue jeans as a mnemonic leitmotif linking different social categories of people in ways that encouraged the public to see jeans as quintessentially American for the first time.” (25) Despite later cultural connotations of rugged cowboys and counterculture rebellion, this connection to poverty and discrimination remained for the descendants of the denim-clad working class. Specifically, many African Americans viewed denim as a painful reminder of the sharecropper system of agriculture and refused to wear jeans and denim garments even in a fashionable context (Sullivan 112). Gordon's next phase introduces wearing jeans as an example of anti-fashion1 and cites jeans worn by artists in the Santa Fe area during the 1920s as a form of rebellion and rejection of the dominant culture (78). These artists were not the only ones adopting denim at this time; Princeton University students wore denim overalls on Princeton Campus during the 1920s as a show of support for the working class (Overalls). Unlike the laborers who originally wore denim, the Princeton students could adopt the costume of the working class with few social repercussions based on their inherent status as Ivy League students. Similarly, Katharine Hepburn flouted convention by wearing jeans on the set of RKO Radio Studios in 1932. The Bryn Mawr College-educated actor was secure in her position as a “serious” actor and knew she would never be mistaken for a laborer (MacDonell 55). Gordon identifies the switch to middle- and upper-class consumers and attributes it to the promotion of dude ranch vacations during the 1930s and the role of jeans as novelty souvenirs (78). The appeal of the dude ranch vacation is linked to the popularity of western genre films during the 1920s starring actors such as Tim Mix and Gary Cooper (Figure 2). Denim manufacturers learned to develop western styles for consumers; in 1924, Lee Mercantile Co. introduced their ‘Cowboy Pant,’ also known as the 101, designing them to meet the needs of cowboys, rodeo riders, and the growing number of enthusiasts of western fashion (Sauro 273). These would be renamed “Lee Riders” in 1944 with marketing that emphasized their “authentic” western elements (McClendon 18). During the Great Depression, unemployment levels were high, and denim workwear was not selling as it once had. Manufacturers searched for new markets, and denim was rebranded as play clothes for men, women, and especially children (Comstock 33–34). Jeans marketed to women had a variety of leg widths, pockets, and colors, while those marketed to men remained faithful to the waist overall model established in the nineteenth century (28). However, despite this successful shift to a new consumer base, it is essential to note that wearing jeans and denim remained isolated to camping, riding, and other outdoor activities (Sauro 273). Gordon identifies the next phase as a “turning point for blue jeans in America” (78). During the Second World War, denim workwear garments were classified as essential commodities for the increasing number of civilians working in factories and munitions plants (79). The women who took these positions wore a range of workwear garments, such as wide-legged dungarees and sturdy denim overalls traditionally worn by men (Figure 3). The war brought about a relaxation of gender roles and expectations of proper attire. During the mid-1930s, a few adventurous young women on college campuses rejected “correct” dress rules and embraced jeans for casual dress. The women who adopted jeans during this period were widely criticized for this transgression (Comstock 27). However, during the war, wearing denim was framed as wholesome and patriotic, and the young women who did so were celebrated (41). This reframing allowed all college-aged women to embrace the comfort of baggy shirts, sweaters, and rolled-up jeans worn with white “bobby” socks and flat shoes such as loafers (56–59). Teens quickly picked up this style and continued well into the coming decade. Marketing continued to promote denim as a good choice for family leisure activities with full-page advertisements in publications like Life magazine. In the coming decade, the new medium of television reinforced this wholesome image of jeans for casual family attire with family-focused shows such as Leave it to Beaver (1957), and Father Knows Best (1954–1960), depicting children and young teens in occasion-appropriate jeans. In a famous I Love Lucy (1951) episode, “Lucy and the Loving Cup” (1957), there is a debate between Ethel (Vivian Vance) and Lucy (Lucille Ball) about whether it is appropriate for Lucy to wear her jeans on the subway, a reflection of the growing acceptance of jeans for women. The romantic image of the cowboy was reinvigorated in the postwar period with popular western films featuring denim-clad stars such as Marilyn Monroe in River of No Return (1954), James Dean in Giant (1956)2, and Ricky Nelson in Rio Bravo (1959). Western-themed television shows such as The Roy Rogers Show (1951–1957), The Lone Ranger (1956), and Bonanza (1959) influenced the popularity of western styles for children's wear. Gordon's next phase of analysis focuses on jeans as anti-fashion in the post-war period and identifies the three most visible groups, teens, rebels, and bohemians. Blue jeans were central to the image of the rebellious teen, an association reflected in popular music such as “Dungaree Doll” (Eddie Fisher, 1956), “Bluejean Bop” (Gene Vincent, 1956), and “Venus in Blue Jeans” (Jimmie Clanton, 1962). James Dean portrayed teen rebellion onscreen in Rebel Without a Cause (1955), and promotional materials for the film highlight his lanky, slouching form wearing Lee Riders, a style marketed to teens (Sauro 273). Similarly, promotional posters for the controversial film Blue Denim (1959), which centered on the stigma of teen pregnancy and abortion, depicted a teen couple in an embrace, both wearing blue jeans. After the Second World War, many former GIs formed motorcycle clubs and wore an unofficial uniform of leather boots and jackets worn with faded jeans, a look immortalized in the film The Wild One (1953) and seen in Figure 4. Jeans had been necessary for the war effort, but those who continued wearing them for everyday dress in the post-war period were considered dangerous. Jeans were symbolic of the bikers’ refusal to reintegrate into mainstream society. An important context left out of Gordon's original anti-fashion analysis of the postwar period is the use of jeans and other denim garments as a political signifier. In the early 1960s, civil rights protesters wore blue denim as a symbol of political resistance and recognition of the legacy of slavery and the sharecropper system (Sullivan 112). This symbolic “skin” was used by members of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) as an equalizer between social classes and genders (Ford 642–643). Denim was practical for the physical reality of protests faced by Black activists since it prevented both abrasions and sexual assault (635–636). This practice was a deliberate rejection of traditional respectability politics that demanded African Americans appear in public in their “Sunday best” to garner the respect of white culture (637). Supporters of the civil rights movement spread this look to college campuses and older teens, paving the way for what Gordon deems the “Jeaning of America” (Ford 646; Gordon 80). Denim jeans became [in the late 1960s] the ultimate no-fashion put down style- a classless, cheap, unisex look that stood for, variously, frontier values, democracy, plain living, ecology and health, rebellion a la Brando or Dean, a new interest in the erotic import of the pelvis, or as Charles Reich suggests in The Greening of America, a deliberate rejection of the ‘artificial plastic-coated look’ of the affluent consumer society. (Carnes 237) The uniformity of denim was seen as a blank canvas to highlight the wearer's individuality. The natural wear pattern of denim created garments that molded the wearer's body over time and implied a lived experience in jeans. Customization through paint, patches, embroidery, and fabric insertions enhanced this unique appearance. An example of this sort of personal embellishment can be seen in the example from the Robert and Penny Fox Historic Costume Collection, worn by the donor at the 1969 Woodstock Music Festival, seen in Figure 5. Gordon describes the 1970s, when the fashion industry co-opted the counterculture staple of jeans, as the “golden age of denim” (82). Jeans were widely worn as part of the natural and all-American fashion trends that dominated the early 1970s that were a continuation of the social and political associations of the previous decade (Welters 504–507). Jeans were available in various colors and cuts and featured exaggerated yokes, flared legs, unusual pockets, and applied ornamentation such as embroidery, studs, and applique. The sexual revolution influenced the design of jeans, and jeans were cut to emphasize the hips, buttocks, and crotch; this emphasis can be seen in Figure 6. In 1977, jeans sales soared, with over 500 million pairs purchased in the United States alone. The decade also saw the rise of something completely new; designer jeans. The earliest examples were European, but by the mid-1970s, American designer jeans such as Calvin Klein and Gloria Vanderbilt emerged. With the rise of designer denim, jeans were no longer a symbol of democracy and authenticity; instead, they represented the traditional hierarchical nature of fashion as a pastime for privileged people (Gordon 83–84). Gordon's analysis does not acknowledge subcultural groups' rejection of fashion jeans during the 1970s. One example is the hyper-masculine “clone” look adopted by male homosexuals that drew on the archetype of the biker, the cowboy, and the lumberjack. They adopted “blue-collar” wardrobe staples such as tightly fitting straight-legged jeans (when flares were prevalent), snug t-shirts, and leather jackets (Cole 127–129). Similarly, the early punk scene was known for slim-fitting ripped jeans (Steele 287–288). Although the punks disdained the denim associated with the hippies of the previous decade, the aesthetics of the 1950s biker were influential to bands such as the Ramones (Gaines 12). Gordon dubbed the rise of fashion jeans with elaborate finishing as a pre-packaged experience (84–85). The rise of designer jeans and mass brands during the 1970s compelled manufacturers to create distinctive products that would attract consumers' attention. Consumers no longer want the original denim jeans that required a period of “breaking in,” but instead demand comfortable denim. In the late 1960s, stone washing, where jeans are washed with small pumice stones, was developed and became widespread by the mid-1980s (McClendon 142). Consumers preferred jeans that were stone-washed since they were comfortable from the start. The jeans market grew increasingly fragmented, and the styles offered included pinstriped, acid-washed, stone-washed, cigarette cut, two-toned, stretch, and pre-ripped (Sauro 274). However, by the late 1980s and early 1990s, a small group of denim connoisseurs emerged as collectors of vintage denim and consumers of authentic “raw” denim based on historical precedents. Raw denim is unwashed and untreated, stiff, and rigid like the waist overalls of the mid-twentieth century. Ironically, the first purveyors of raw denim were the French and Japanese, who yearned for the authenticity of the original jeans untainted by the corrupting influence of fashion trends. These “denimheads” preferred selvage denim woven on older looms with a tighter weave structure that produced superior fade patterns (Abrego 521–522). Eventually, artisanal American denim manufacturers such as Roy Slaper and W. H. Ranch Dungarees developed limited runs to cater to this specialized market (Abrego 523). More prominent, established brands such as Levi's® and Lee produced reinterpreted versions of their original jeans. Jeans have metamorphosed into an astonishing variety of silhouettes, styles, colors, and designs across the retail spectrum. From a dark wash to light, and from “raw” denim to destroyed washes that purposely create holes in all areas of the pants, the variety of jeans available to consumers reflects the diversity of customer demographics and desires. In this oversaturated market, thoughtful branding is essential, and brands rely on carefully crafted images to sell jeans. Music and lifestyle are critical elements in the promotion of denim (Hancock 138–150). Although presented as classic elements of a modern wardrobe, most jeans today have only a passing resemblance to the waist overalls of the early twentieth century. While the cowboy, biker, and rock star are still touchstones for marketing campaigns, makers and consumers have new interests and motivations. In the twenty-first century, traditional manufacturing and marketing methods have transformed to reflect consumers' preference for environmentally friendly and inclusive products. The role of jeans in everyday life provides the ideal canvas for personalization and provides a platform for issues of gender and social justice. Consumers spend $93 billion on denim-related products annually, with over 800 individual brands (Szmydke-Cacciapalle xii). As these numbers suggest, there is a glut of used jeans in circulation, and the ecological impact of the production of jeans has come under fire. It is estimated that 2 billion pairs of jeans are produced annually, a staggering number on its own but more so when considering that a single pair of jeans typically requires over 1,800 gallons of water to produce (Chung). Many brands are making efforts to improve production methods, while others have turned to “greenwashing” to give the perception that their jeans are a responsible choice. Terms like organic or eco-friendly are increasing in marketing campaigns, as well as the use of Tencel™, a cellulosic fiber obtained from wood pulp using recyclable solvents, and Repreve®, a synthetic fiber produced from recycled plastic bottles (REPREVE). Some manufacturers, such as New York-based DL1961, take this concept further and use shredded denim discard and post-consumer waste to create a new yarn blended with eco-friendly fibers. Their manufacturing process is also remarkably efficient; each pair of jeans requires less than 10 gallons of water and uses less toxic dyes (“Our Story”). DL1961 is a notable member of the Ellen MacArthur Foundation's The Jeans Redesign, an ambitious project that provides for producing recyclable jeans made from safe, renewable materials (“Jeans Redesign”). Levi Strauss & Co. ™ is another brand that has taken a proactive approach to sustainability with their proprietary Water<Less® technique that significantly reduces the amount of water used in the production of jeans. Furthermore, they have shared the process details with their peers to “shift the industry by using less water and making a positive global impact” (“How We Make Jeans”). Another eco-friendly approach is the launch of secondhand.levi.com, featuring vintage jeans from $239 US to $34 U.S. Levi's is now competing against the secondhand clothing market, appealing to the Gen Z obsession with vintage or secondhand clothing as unique, authentic, and environmentally sound. Levi's has even gone as far as to offer methods for consumers to repair their favorite jeans with stylist Bria Chang, who teaches each customer sewing techniques (“Style”). Lee also has a secondhand option on their website, The Lee Archives. Chris Waldeck, global brand president for Lee, explained the decision, “Selfishly, it was a way for us to connect with a new, younger consumer. And that new younger consumer is out in the vintage shops and looking for those pre-owned products” (Edelson). Another significant change in the denim industry is the shift towards inclusive sizing. Mass fashion retailer, Old Navy, is now representing a long-time neglected fashion market in their stores by celebrating what the brand calls Body Equality. Images such as this one for Old Navy appear in local stores (Figure 7) (“Meet the Team Behind Old Navy's BODEQUALITY”), celebrating women of all shapes, sizes, races, and ethnicities. However, a significant difference can be seen in the retailer's commitment to price parity across sizes. Historically, the higher price was justified by fabric costs that retailers passed along to consumers who would pay almost $2.00 US more per garment if they were big or tall. In large-scale merchandising, we can see changes for the future of our body equality in categories like jeans. At a significantly higher price point is Good American, a size-inclusive brand that launched in 2016 with a collection of jeans ranging from sizes 00-24. The brand generated over 1 million dollars on its launch date; this success is attributed to Good American's inclusive sizing (Mau). The ubiquity of jeans in modern wardrobes creates a unique opportunity for self-expression. Jeans are a blank slate ripe for embellishment and customization, resulting in garments that blur the line between fashion and art. In 2020, Levi's produced a collaboration with Michael-Birch Pierce, a fiber artist and fashion designer recognized for their3 skillful free-hand embroidery portraiture. With Levi's® sewing machines and Pierce's talents, vintage denim trucker jackets were reinvented with embroidered male nude forms and Swarovski crystals. Although the one-of-a-kind jackets were initially priced at $498, well beyond the average consumer's reach, they represent the importance of self-expression to the future of fashion (Miller-Spillman). Figure 8 For Pierce, coming out as non-binary and expressing it through fashion is profoundly important, and they feel their expression helps others struggling with gender. Pierce's story reflects a new jeans consumer who will struggle with the same issues and see Pierce as a role model. Levi's® collaboration with Pierce significantly recognizes social change and embraces a new generation of gender celebration (Pierce). Fashion designer Vanessa Fath uses denim as a platform for social awareness. Her 2018 denim collection, entitled “I Believe You,” was inspired by Denim Day, a movement to end sexual assault that began as Peace Over Violence in 1971 (“Denim Day”). For this collection, portraits of sexual abuse survivors and allies were hand-printed on upcycled, deadstock denim to bring attention and respect to survivors. Like Pierce, Fath views this collection of denim garments as more than just fashion. Instead, “It represents the cultural, environmental, and societal progress of people coming together to be stronger than their trauma” (Fath; “I Believe You”).Figure 9 The artistic endeavors of Michael-Birch Pierce and Vanessa Fath reflect the elevated status jeans have enjoyed during the past three decades. Jeans are works of art, collector's items, and important cultural artifacts (Figure 10). Denim collectors, self-identified as “denimheads,” have played a significant role in this transformation of jeans with websites, podcasts, and publications such as True Fit: A Collected History of Denim (2014), Blue Blooded: Denim Hunters and Jeans Culture (2016), and Denim Branded: Jeanswear's Evolving Design Details (2018) serving as guides for the uninitiated. This interest in historic denim has influenced auction prices; $100,000 is the record price paid for a pair of jeans at auction, a price realized for an unworn pair of Levi's from 1893 (Guinness). Jeans have dominated fashion and countercultural definitions of “cool” for over 70 years and show no signs of stopping. As Gordon astutely observed, jeans are “resilient, and seem to always be able to return in yet another guise and take on yet another layer of meaning” (89). As the generations age, they remain faithful to the jeans of their youth; Baby Boomers have proved loyal to their classic Levi's® 501s and Lee Riders, while millennial women are routinely mocked online for their devotion to stretchy skinny jeans. Gen Z consumers’ retail preferences represent an amalgam of Gordon's phases—equal parts anti-fashion, rebellion, fashion, and the pre-packaged experience coexist with Gen Z's preference for authentic, unique, personalized, and eco-friendly options. From big brands like Levi's®, Old Navy, and Target to micro markets such as Pierce and Fath reimagining equity for consumers, jeans have a permanent place in American material culture and will continue to evolve with each passing generation. Clare Sauro is the director and chief curator of the Robert and Penny Fox Historic Costume Collection (FHCC), a museum-quality research collection at Drexel University in Philadelphia. At Drexel, Sauro has mounted several notable exhibitions, including Immortal Beauty: Highlights from the Robert and Penny Fox Historic Costume Collection (2015), James Galanos: Design Integrity (2017), and Venus & Diana: Fashioning the Jazz Age (2021). In addition to her role in the FHCC, Sauro is an assistant professor at the Westphal College of Media, Arts & Design at Drexel University. Her current research includes cellophane fashions from 1930 to 1939, Hollywood Designer Bernard Newman, and Philadelphia retailer Nan Duskin. She is a frequent lecturer on the history of fashion and is regularly interviewed on topics ranging from red-carpet fashion to the history of pajamas. She does not currently own a pair of jeans. Dr. Joseph H. Hancock II is an international authority on fashion branding as a form of storytelling. He is known across the globe for his scholarship on cargo pants, LGBTQIA fashion, and retail culture. He started in academia after twenty years in the retail industry, having worked for legendary companies like The Gap, L. Brands, and the Target Corporation. He is the author of Fashion Brand Stories 3rd Edition (Bloomsbury, 2022). For the past ten years, Dr. Hancock has been the principal editor of the peer-reviewed journal Fashion, Style & Popular Culture. He has served the Popular Culture and American Culture Associations in several roles since 1996. He is the program director for the MS online in Retail & Merchandising and a Professor of Design at Drexel University in the Westphal College of Media, Arts & Design.